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Nearly one in three U.S. children lives in a household where a language other than English is spoken. Dual language learners have the potential to excel in an increasingly diverse society. However, their academic achievement lags behind that of children whose only home language is English.

Importance

Dual language learners (DLLs) are a diverse group of children. Many are, or have parents who are, recent immigrants, but their home language environment may include both English-speakers and those who maintain a heritage language long after the immigration experience. Some are infants and toddlers acquiring two languages simultaneously; others are older children learning English after having gained facility in another language.[1]

Language acquisition is one of the most important developmental accomplishments of childhood. As early as infancy, young children begin making sense of language they hear, and producing language-like vocalizations. Over time, they acquire vocabulary, become more proficient in speaking according to the rules of their language, and participate in more complex conversation. These developments, together with knowledge of the relationships between letters/signs and sounds that are part of developing literacy, in turn underlie an ability to read and write. Learning a second language after one already has facility in a primary language naturally follows a somewhat different process than simultaneous learning of two languages.[2]

Worldwide, many children grow up in multi-lingual families or societies.[3] Research has demonstrated conclusively that learning two or more languages concurrently, far from being a disadvantage, is associated with multiple benefits, provided that the child is supported in maintaining both languages. Full fluency in a language is most easily gained when a child is exposed to it in the first few years of life; after that time, language learning becomes more difficult, though certainly not impossible. Knowing more than one language is also associated with cognitive flexibility and other aspects of executive control; with skills in divergent thinking, perspective-taking, and symbolic representation; and with multicultural awareness.[4]

There are also social-emotional benefits to developing and maintaining bilingualism. When children can speak their parents’ heritage language, they are able to maintain closer relationships with family members.[5] The research evidence finds that young DLLs have social-emotional skills equal to or better than those of monolingual English speakers.[6]

Nevertheless, when children or their parents lack proficiency in English, they may be at a disadvantage.[7] DLLs, on average, enter school with lower English literacy skills than those of monolinguals,[8]  and research finds that it takes between four and seven years for DLLs to become proficient in academic English (needed for success in the classroom).[9] Those DLLs who become proficient in English by the end of first grade have better academic outcomes over time than do DLLs who do not become proficient in English by the end of first grade.[10]

There is no single consistently used definition of dual language learners. The one used here takes an inclusive approach, counting as DLLs all children living in a household where one or more members speak a language other than English. We assume that these children, in addition to their exposure to a non-English language, have some degree of exposure to English. For children in this group who are five and older, we can further identify those who speak English less than “very well.”

Trends

Between 2004 and 2013, the number of U.S. children living in households where a language other than English was spoken increased from 20 million to 23 million children. (Appendix 1) That is an increase from 28 to 32 percent of all children. The proportion of children in Spanish-language households increased from 19 to 22 percent in 2012, but fell to 21 percent in 2013, and those in Asian-and-Pacific-Island-language households increased from three to four percent. Those in other-Indo-European-language households remained steady, at about five percent. (Figure 1)

Even while the proportion of children who are dual language learners has grown, a steadily declining number of children in these households speak English less than “very well”: between 2004 and 2013, the number decreased from 2.8 million to 2.4 million children. This represents a decrease from 20 to 15 percent of all dual language learners older than four years. (Appendix 3)

The U.S. Department of Education estimates that, across all reporting public school districts in the nation (elementary and secondary grades), there were 4.5 million English language learner (ELL)[a] students (nine percent of all students) in the 2011-12 school year.[11]

Differences by Household Language

Among children living in non-English language households, Spanish is by far the most prevalent household language, accounting for about two-thirds of this group, or about 16 million children ages birth through age 17 in 2013. The next largest group (about four million children) are those in households using some other Indo-European language, such as French, German, Russian, or Hindi, followed by children in households using an Asian or Pacific Island language (about three million). (Appendix 1)

Among children five and older living in non-English households, the proportion speaking English less than “very well” was 15 percent in 2013. Children in households using an Asian or Pacific Island language were the most likely to speak English less than very well (16 percent), and those in households speaking a language that was not an Indo-European, Asian, or Pacific Island language were the least likely (nine percent). (Figure 2)

Differences by Age

Younger children in non-English households are more likely than their older peers to speak English less than very well. In 2013, 16 percent of such children ages 5 to 12 spoke English less than very well, compared with 11 percent of children ages 13 to 17. (Appendix 3)

Differences by Household Income

Children living in households where a language other than English is spoken are more likely to be poor than are children in English-only households (28 versus 19 percent, in 2013). Child poverty rates are highest in Spanish-speaking households (33 percent), and in those using languages in the “other” category (33 percent); they are lower in households using Indo-European languages other than Spanish (17 percent), and in households using Asian or Pacific Island languages (13 percent). (Figure 3)

Children in poorer families are more likely to speak English less than very well. In 2013, 20 percent of DLL children in poor families (that is, those with incomes at or below the federal poverty level) spoke English less than very well, compared with 16 percent of DLL children in low-income families (those with incomes less than twice the federal poverty level), and ten percent of DLL children in non-poor families. (Appendix 3)

Differences by Family Structure

In 2013, children living in households where a language other than English is spoken were somewhat more likely to live with two parents than were children whose only language is English (64 and 61 percent, respectively). Children whose home language was in the non-Spanish Indo-European, or Asian and Pacific Island groups were most likely to live with two parents (79 percent, each), followed by those in homes using “other” languages (71 percent), English-only (61 percent), and Spanish (57 percent). (Appendix 2)

Differences by Academic Achievement

The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) provides the only representative estimates of students’ academic achievement that are comparable over time and across states. Among the NAEP data are estimates of proficiency in reading and math, at fourth and eighth grades.

The NAEP assessments are not designed specifically with ELL students in mind, and thus may not accurately reflect ELL students’ abilities. School districts are permitted to provide a number of testing accommodations for ELL students, but (as of 2013) only about half of tested ELLs received these.[12] Still, NAEP data provide the most consistent benchmark to examine students’ progress over time. In turn, students’ progress reflects, in part, the capacity of schools to meet the educational needs of all enrolled children.

In reading at fourth grade, the proportion of ELL students achieving at the Basic level or above[13] has increased from 18 percent in 2000, to 31 percent in 2013. (Figure 4) In math at eighth grade, 20 percent of ELLs were at the Basic level or above[14] in 2000, compared with 30 percent in 2013. (Figure 5) In 2013, former ELL students (those who received ELL services within the past two years) were not statistically different from non-ELL students on this reading measure, and, on the math measure, performed significantly better than current ELL students, but less well than non-ELL students. (Figure 4 & Figure 5)

The families of DLLs are more likely to be poor than those of non-DLLs, which may account for some of their lagging achievement, but DLLs also disproportionately attend public schools that have low test scores; ones that are segregated with respect to race, geography, and proportion of DLLs.[15] Other features of DLLs’ experience may also hamper their academic achievement. Limited English proficiency is associated with limited access to health and mental health care, and other social services.[16] In addition to learning two languages, DLLs also may have to adapt to two different sets of cultural expectations.[17] Pressure to speak English, along with discrimination and stigma, can lead to stress for DLLs.[18] Thus, multiple factors may contribute to DLLs’ lagging academic outcomes compared with monolingual students.

State and Local Estimates

State and local estimates on the number of children, ages five to 17, by language spoken at home and English-speaking ability, are available from American FactFinder (tables B16004 and C16004).

International Estimates

None available.

National Goals

None.

What Works to Make Progress on This Indicator

There are few rigorous evaluations of specific interventions to assist the development of DLLs; and, given the diversity of this group, it is difficult to provide more than a summary of best practices. Research finds that the best way to promote dual language learning, and to strengthen other aspects of the well-being of DLLs, is to support children’s progress in the use of both English and their first language.[19]

Because language and culture are closely interrelated, children who maintain fluency in their first language are more likely to develop a self-concept that incorporates a positive identification with their heritage.[20] When children lose facility with their home language, it can disrupt family communication, interfere with relationships, end the transmission of intergenerational wisdom, and harm the child’s self-concept.[21] DLLs benefit from early exposure to high-quality conversation in each language, and from continued contextual support for speaking both languages.[22] Young DLLs need additional scaffolds and supports in lessons, because they are simultaneously learning the new language and the new content.[23],[24]

In the U.S., schools and other child-serving institutions can be challenged by a need to respond to DLLs who may represent numerous non-English languages. In some school districts, it may not be feasible to have instructional materials or assessments in all home languages represented by students. However, academic and other assessments conducted in English should take account of the capacities of DLLs, who may not yet have the specialized vocabulary assumed by these assessments, or familiarity with other conventions of test-taking in English. One recommended strategy, where feasible, is “conceptual scoring,” where comparable items are developed in both languages, and the child may provide a response in either language.[25]

Programs that improve the school readiness of DLLs provide responsive language interactions in both English and the child’s home language, opportunities for children to practice new skills and vocabulary, frequent and appropriate assessment to guide individualized instruction, and parental engagement.[26]Teachers of young DLL children need to have specific competencies related to the development of language and literacy, but also the knowledge and skills to promote DLL children’s social-emotional development.[27]

Related Indicators

• School Communication in Parents’ Native Language
• Immigrant Children
• Racial and Ethnic Composition of the Child Population
• Reading Proficiency
• Early School Readiness

Definition

Data for this indicator are taken from a survey, with English and Spanish versions, that is mailed to households, with follow-ups by phone and in person. Prior to 2007, the survey was offered in English only. With the survey, information is also given on how to complete the survey by telephone in English, Spanish, Chinese, Russian, Korean, or Vietnamese. Follow-up may also include an in-person survey with an interpreter. More information on how the American Community Survey strives to be inclusive of people who do not speak English is available here.

As used here, a dual language learner (DLL) is a child living in a household where at least one person older than five years speaks a non-English language. The household language was recorded as the language spoken by the first non-English speaker on the following list: householder, spouse, parent, sibling, child, grandchild, other relative, stepchild, unmarried partner, housemate, and other. Thus, some children designated as DLLs may speak only English, particularly if the non-English-speaking household member is a non-relative. A list of languages included in the various categories is available here (pages 139-140).

Survey respondents were also asked whether children, ages five years and older, who spoke a language other than English at home, spoke English “very well”, “well”, “not well”, or “not at all.” Children who spoke only English at home were included with those who spoke English very well.

Data Source

Child Trends original analysis of the 1-year 2004-2013 American Community Survey Public Microdata Sample (ACS PUMS).

Raw Data Source

American Community Survey

http://www.census.gov/acs/www/

Appendix 2 – Of Children Ages Birth to 17, Percentage with Selected Demographic Characteristics, by Household Language¹: 2004-2013

Appendix 3 – Number of Children, Ages 5-17, who Speak English less than “Very Well,” by Household Language¹, and Share among all Children in Non-English Households, by Age Group and Family Income: 2004-2013